In focusing on the migrant worker class in Doha, three main issues emerge immediately that will inform the programmatic and architectural development of the project as it moves forward- economics, the social (here not synonymous with sociopolitical) element, and climate. The first two are indicative of the labor class- as migrant workers, the majority are in Doha to earn higher wages than was possible in their home countries, with the intent of sending the majority of their earnings back home to their families. As such, there is little disposable income left for these men and women to spend beyond necessities of living (food or cell phone minutes, for example). Secondly, there is a current trend of appropriating public areas such as parking lots or specific sidewalks near banks or outside other public venues on Fridays (the laborers' day off) as a means for the labor population to socialize away from their housing blocks or places of work.
Workers congregating beneath the sculpture on Grand Hamad St. on a Friday. |
Taking these three issues into consideration, I am proposing to design an outdoor market and social area specifically for migrant laborers that takes full advantage of passive cooling methods such as shading and natural ventilation with the aim of creating a space that can be used year round. The market area will supply the workers with a venue to buy non-grocery necessities or less tourist-oriented items of interest, while a larger public social space such as a playing field or a mosque will meet the need for a large space for the workers to congregate and socialize without blocking whole blocks of sidewalk or appropriating whole parking lots or small green spaces. Finally, by taking advantage of passive cooling techniques, this project can address the need of the labor class for a summertime social venue while setting an example for the city as sustainable initiatives gain momentum.
*Note: The article cited above and similar sources are reporting from 2008. When I visited in 2010, there was a noticeable absence of laborers in the more tourist- or family-oriented souqs, though there were no violent altercations between workers and security.
I find your thesis very thoughtful and helpful for the migrant laborers in Doha. When I read your blog I was reminded of something I was thinking about during studio...the idea of ownership. I am wondering if the migrant workers do not use public space because they feel they do not belong there and do not own anything in Doha...which may actually be true. However, sometimes people can perceive ownership when they feel they have an impact on land or buildings or anything. During my time abroad, my anthropology teacher spoke about his study of Celano, Italy where he interviewed people about what happened to the working class laborers once their land was taken from them years ago and everyone would respond "they still own the land"...and he was baffled. This occured because even though the laborers lost their land, they still worked the land and in term felt they owned it. This idea of ownership relates to the people in the hill district when they go to downtown. I believe they feel out of place and do not enjoy downtown because they feel they do not impact anything downtown and in turn dont "own" anything. Long "post comment" short, I believe you may want to look at ownership and how that can play into your thesis proposal.
ReplyDeleteI think the idea of ownership is an interesting one as applied to the migrant laborers of Doha. From my understanding of your professor's example of the Italian laborers of Celano, they were resident laborers whose land was bought from beneath them. Likely they worked the land for some time and as such, formed a connection with it that transcends deeds and monetary means. In Doha, the workers are in a strange sort of limbo in that they are temporary workers, but for an extended period of time- typically three years. I'm not saying that this lessens the potential for an 'owner connection', though I think it complicates the development of that connection. The idea of 'home' is still firmly rooted in their country of origin and with their families, yet they likely form some sort of connection with Doha during their extended time there. The workers (correctly in my opinion) believe they have a right to occupy, use, and enjoy public spaces as any other resident or long-term expatriate, however this doesn't match with societal norms that deny them access while allowing access to someone like me who is only there for four months (see the linked story in my proposal). The most polite way I can think of describing the way these laborers are treated is as background- in my time in Doha, I never saw any interaction between the standard laborer and an upper-class local or (excluding myself) Euro-American expat. I will allow that this could be from lack of observation. I think 'ownership' is tied to a sense of 'belonging'- in this situation it is difficult to 'belong' in a place where one's only social interaction with the rest of society is denial or physical rebuttal.
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